Featured image of post 中英对照|Orchestra of Voices

中英对照|Orchestra of Voices

Making the Argument for Greater Speech and Press Freedom in the People’s Republic of China

本文是 2001 年发表在 The Journal of Asian Studies 上的一篇书评的中英对照版,作者是明尼苏达大学(University of Minnesot)李金銓(Chin Chuan Lee),评论的书籍是中国学者孙旭培所著的 An Orchestra of Voices: Making the Argument for Greater Speech and Press Freedom in the People’s Republic of China。这篇书评的 PDF 可以在 Sci-Hub 上免费下载。

参考引用格式:Lee, Chin-Chuan. 2001. “An Orchestra of Voices: Making the Argument for Greater Speech and Press Freedom in the People’s Republic of China. By Sun Xupei. Edited by Elizabeth C. Michel. Westport, Conn.: Praeger, 2000, 143 PP. $49.95 (Cloth).” The Journal of Asian Studies 60 (3): 848–49. https://doi.org/10.2307/2700130.

The first theoretical treatise by a People’s Republic of China media scholar to appear in English translation, this volume presents the work of a committed, courageous, and thoughtful intellectual who fights for “socialist press freedom” within severely imposed limits. Arguably China’s most eloquent media scholar, Sun provides a key to understanding the advances and setbacks of China’s news reform in the past two decades.

《An Orchestra of Voices》这本书是中华人民共和国传媒学者的理论著作中第一本被翻译为英语的书籍,这本书呈现了一位坚定、勇敢、有思想的知识分子的研究成果,他在受到严格限制的条件下,为「社会主义新闻自由」奔走呼号。可以说,孙旭培是中国最雄辩的传媒学者,他为我们提供了一把钥匙,让我们了解过去二十年中国新闻改革的进步和倒退。

Sun is not a dissident. His proposed “orchestra of voices” is far less radical or threatening to the Communist regime than were dissidents in former Eastern European countries. But it is considered unorthodox, tenacious, and influential enough to make him a thorn in the eyes of China’s ideological police.

孙旭培不是异见人士。他提议的「管弦乐团之声」(orchestra of voices)远没有前东欧国家的持不同政见者那么激进,也没有对共产党政权构成威胁。尽管如此,他的观点被认为是非正统的、顽固的,具有一定影响力,足以让他成为中国意识形态警察的眼中钉。

Sun’s most significant work is a 130-page essay, “On Socialist Press Freedom,” first published in 1986 and later included in his 1993 anthology, Xinwenxue xinlun (New Treatise on Journalism). An abbreviated version of that article forms the first four chapters (totaling 42 pages) of the English volume. His theoretical argument for the enhancement of press freedom in China is based on giving less rigid interpretations to the official orbit of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism. The spirit of radical humanism — which Communist revolutionaries in exile had advocated and Communist power holders have trampled on — informs Sun’s blueprint for media reform. He criticizes the bourgeois media for being controlled by rich capitalists at the expense of the people, and the Soviet media system for its ideological rigidity. His model for socialist press freedom “with Chinese characteristics” is one that incorporates what he calls the “forms” of bourgeois institutions (such as the separation of power, checks, and balances) and the “substance” of socialist “public” media ownership (a term left undefined).

孙旭培最重要的作品是一篇 130 页的论文《论社会主义新闻自由》(On Socialist Press Freedom) ,于 1986 年首次出版,后来收录在他 1993 年的选集《新闻学新论》中。这篇文章的缩写版形成了英文卷的前四章(共 42 页)。他提出的提高中国新闻自由的理论主张,是基于对马克思列宁主义和毛泽东思想的官方规定给予较少的严格解释。曾经流亡的共产党革命者倡导激进的人文主义精神,而这种精神在之后又被共产党掌权者所践踏,这为孙旭培的新闻媒体改革蓝图提供了启示。一方面,他批评资产阶级新闻媒体被富有的资本家控制而牺牲了人民的利益,另一方面,他也痛斥前苏联新闻媒体系统中意识形态僵化的问题。他提出的「有中国特色」的社会主义新闻自由模式,融合了他所说的资产阶级制度的「形式」(例如分权、制衡)和社会主义新闻媒体「公有制」的「实质」(一个未被定义的术语)。

In a more concrete sense, Sun envisions an orchestral harmony consisting of the main melody of the party-state media (p. xxv) and other notes from a civilian (minban) press (p. 37). By “civilian,” he refers to “citizens or corporations” (p. 125), who should be allowed to manage publication to “supplement” (rather than to displace) the state as major stockholders in what he calls “a new multilayered socialist press business” (p. 31). He endorses running newspapers as business enterprises to introduce competition in a market economy, but they should not be as profit-oriented as the Western press. He argues that the Western theory against state interference is “not suited to the socialist system” (p. 33), but the civilian press should only be held accountable to the constitution, not to party discipline. To that end, he has persistently argued for the passage of a press law to protect news workers’ rights to monitor government policy.

在更具体的意义上,孙旭培设想了一种管弦乐和声:由党和国家的主旋律(第 xxv 页)和其他民办媒体(第 37 页)的音符共同组成。他所说的「民办化」,是指允许公民和企业(第 125 页)管理出版物,作为国有化的一种补充而不是取代,构成他所说的「新型的多层次社会主义新闻行业」(第 31 页)。他赞成企业办报,在市场经济中引入竞争,但不应像西方报纸那样以营利为目的。他认为,西方反对国家干预的理论「不适合社会主义制度」(第 33 页),但民办媒体只需对宪法负责,而不用对党的纪律负责。为此,他一直主张通过新闻法,保护新闻工作者监督政府政策的权利。

The fortune of Sun and his scholarship has reflected the tortuous political contours in China. He was part of the larger Marxist intellectual ferment in the 1980s allied with reform bureaucracy, which tolerated, if not encouraged, a more liberating and enlightening role for political economists, philosophers, historians, literary theorists, and media scholars. This vigorous intellectual movement ended with the tragic downfall of the reformists in 1989. The progressive implications of Marxist idealism have been marginalized by the prevalence of consumer culture in the 1990s, in which money is the new and only religion. The authorities have stripped Sun of his post as the director of the Institute of Journalism under the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, and banned the publication of his writing from time to time.

孙旭培的命运以及他的学术成果反映了中国含混不清的政治格局。他是 20 世纪 80 年代呼吁改革官僚体制的大规模马克思主义知识分子动乱运动中的一份子。在当时的政治体制下,即使不鼓励,也能容忍政治经济学家、哲学家、历史学家、文学理论家和媒体学者扮演更加自由和启蒙的角色。这场轰轰烈烈的知识分子运动以 1989 年改良主义者的惨败而告终。20 世纪 90 年代,消费文化的盛行使马克思理想主义的进步意义被边缘化,在这种文化中,金钱是唯一的新宗教。当局早已撤销了孙旭培作为中国社会科学院新闻研究所所长的职务,并不时禁止他的作品出版。

Notwithstanding its merits, the “progressive” writing of the 1980s has obvious weaknesses. For example, Sun frames his implicit criticism of party rigidity in terms of the system’s fundamental sanctity, thus producing a mixture of halfway rejection and vague endorsement of the vanguard party. He and others seem to suggest that selected elements of capitalist and “socialist” media systems might be painlessly harmonized at a higher level of theoretical abstraction as an imagined, transcendent form of human progress. They are vague on the modus operandi through which their ideals can be achieved.

尽管有其优点,但 20 世纪 80 年代的「进步主义」作品也有明显的不足之处。例如,孙旭培从基本制度神圣不可侵犯角度出发,隐晦地批评了中国共产党的僵化,从而产生了对先锋党的半拒绝和模糊认可的混合。他和其他人似乎认为,资本主义新闻媒体的某些特定要素,作为人类进步的一种抽象的、超越的形式,可以在更高的理论抽象层次上与「社会主义」新闻媒体系统轻松协调,而他们对实现其理想的方式含糊不清。

Sun has been sidelined, but not totally silenced. He has continued to write on different aspects of the abortive press law — which are amply translated for this volume — by constantly appealing to the constitutionally guaranteed rights. Moreover, official censors have not seemed to be able to prevent his writing from circulation among journalism professors and students in China. Thanks to the editing efforts of Liz Michel (though the translation is somewhat stiff), Sun has now been granted a welcome hearing by a Western audience.

孙旭培已被边缘化,但他并没有完全沉默,他通过不断撰写关于流产的新闻法的各种文章,呼吁宪法保障的权利,这些内容在本书中得到了充分的翻译。此外,官方审查人员似乎无法阻止他的作品在中国的新闻学教授和学生中传播。多亏了 Liz Michel 的编辑工作(尽管译文有些生硬),孙旭培现在已经获得了西方读者的欢迎。

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